Islamic Education A Brief History of Madrassas With Comments on Curricula and Current Pedagogical Practices

DRAFT

Islamic Education

A Brief History of Madrassas With

Comments on Curricula and Current Pedagogical Practices

By

Uzma Anzar, Ph.D.

March 2013

Introduction

Since the tragic events of September 11, 2001, most writers, scholars, politicians,

diplomats, development workers, teachers, students and others have been trying to

understand the reasons behind that devastating day. Muslim radicalism, Islamic

fanaticism, Muslim fundamentalism are a few terms that have become very popular. At

the same time, many people in the West have become more interested in learning about

Islam. There has been a surge in sales of books dealing with the topic of Islam. Whereas,

many support the fact that there is no justification for the events of that dreaded day,

some are trying to find answers as to where does this hatred originate and how to avoid

such an attack from occurring in the future.  Increasingly, scholars, researchers and

educators are arguing that improving the educational status of the Muslim countries,

many of which unfortunately have some of the lowest literacy rates, will help change the

context that nourishes and/or permits the growth of radical terrorism and will help

increase the number of citizens prepared to participate in the economic development of

their states.  In addition, as most of the operatives of the Taliban government in

Afghanistan were ‘educated’ in the religious school system, the education in Madrassas

in Muslim countries has gained special attention during the past two years. There are

many questions.  What are these schools?  How did they evolve? How do they function?

What do they teach?  How do they teach? Where do they get their money?  Who supports

them?  What kind of students do they produce? Why are some associated with radical

activities?

This paper will attempt to shed some light on these questions. It is divided into three parts:

1) the history of Islamic education or Madrassa, 2) structure, curriculum, pedagogy and

teachers’ qualification in Islamic schools in different parts of the world, and 3) the

interplay of politics and education in Madrassas. The information on structure,

curriculum, and pedagogy is organized according to the countries – West Africa in

general, Egypt, Indonesia, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Curriculum content and pedagogical

practices are focused in details for Madrassas in Pakistan. Pakistani Madrassas represent

a unique example of close link between the education and politics, hence the third part of

this paper deals with the situation and the reasons behind radicalism in Madrassas in

Pakistan.

This paper attempts to synthesize the limited knowledge that exists on this subject.  It

does not claim to present a complete and comprehensive understanding of Islamic

education and various types of institutions, which operate in  certain contexts in different

countries. Every country example is unique and cannot be used to generalize or to make

certain conclusions about the Islamic education system.

Before we move on, it is important to understand the difference between the terms

Koranic and Madrassa education.  The Koranic school or Maktab is a place where

Muslim children go to read and recite the Koran only. Koranic schools can function in the

mosque, under a tree, in the house of the Koran teacher or under an open sky. The term

Madrassa is usually used for a bit more organized institutions with classrooms and

teachers for different levels.  Many Madrassas have boarding and lodging facilities for 2

students that are offered free of charge. In additio n, whereas a Koranic school is usually a

place for lower level of religious education (the recitation and pronunciation of the

Koran), Madrassa is where more in-depth religious education is provided.

I. A History of Madrassas

Seeking knowledge has been an integral part of the Islamic tradition.  The early years of

Koranic revelations to the Prophet were embedded in the oral tradition. Similar to the

verses of good poetry, revelations of the Koran inspired the people of Arabia and they

memorized the verse s.  However, as Islam expanded and it became necessary to preserve

this vast knowledge, these verses were written down and compiled into various chapters.

This compilation became to be the book of Islam, the Koran.

From early on, Islam emphasized two types of knowledge, revealed and earthly –i.e.,

revealed knowledge that comes straight from God and earthly knowledge that is to be

discovered by human beings themselves. Islam considers both to be of vital importance

and directs its followers, both men and women, to go and seek knowledge

1

. For Muslims,

the Koran is the perfect word of God, sacred and therefore cannot be changed.  It should

be memorized from start to finish. Once a person has memorized it, he/she must reflect

on these verses and have a detailed understanding of its meaning and interpretation over

the lifetime.  A person who has mastered it would carry the knowledge of Islam in his/her

heart and spread the word to the ones who encounter him/her.  According to Islam,

seeking earthly knowledge is also important because earthly knowledge compliments the

knowledge revealed by God in the Koran and helps Muslims to live productive and good

lives in this world.

Having understood the above logic one can understand why mosques came to be central

to the learning processes of Muslims in the early days of Islam and continue to do so to

this day.  It was at the Mosque where Prophet Mohammad would convene people to

listen to his revelations and their interpretation

2

.  Mosques were the places where Koran

was compiled.  It was here where early Muslims seeking to solve their problems in the

light of the newly revealed knowledge would come to obtain answers. The mosque was

the first school in Islam. In the early days of Islam, there was no hierarchy and every one

who could master the content of the Koran could lead the prayers and guide the people.

The learned people would usually spent most of their time in the mosques debating and

polishing their knowledge of the Koran and others who could not accord much time to

this activity would simply seek their assistance in matters of daily lives.

After the death of the Prophet, when Muslims faced situations for which no answer could

be found in the revealed knowledge of the Koran and the Prophet was not there to guide

them, the Muslim scholars sought answers in the sayings and practical life of the Prophet.

This led to the development of traditions of following the Sunna, the knowledge of deeds

1

Boyle, Helen, Quranic School Strategy and Mini Needs Assessment, Trip Report to Nigeria, 2002

2

Ahmed, Munir, Islamic Education Prior to the Establishment of Madrassa, Journal of Islamic Studies,

1987.3

of the Prophet and Hadith, the sayings of the Prophet.  The mosque continued to be the

center of learning even after Prophet’s death. This mosque based understanding and

acquisition of knowledge worked very well for the Muslims of the Arabian Peninsula

because the tribal traditions combined with the teachings of the Koran were sufficient to

govern the lives of people who spoke the same language and had the same cultural

background.

However, as Islam expanded to other regions and came into contact with other

indigenous traditions and languages, it became necessary to create a cadre of Muslim

experts who would develop sophisticated writings and textbooks on Fiqa - Islamic

jurisprudence, Sunna – Prophet’s traditions, Hadith – Prophet’s sayings, and Tafseer - the

interpretation of the Koran, to cater to the needs of non-Arab Muslim populations. Thus

began the tradition of Madrassa, the center for higher learning the initial purpose of

which was to preserve religious conformity through uniform teachings of Islam for all.

The first known Madrassa is said to have been established in 1005 AD by the Fatimid

caliphs in Egypt.  This Madrassa taught the minority Shi’ite version of Islam.  It had all

the ingredients of an educational institution.  It had a library, teachers for different

subjects were appointed and students who were admitted were provided with ink, pens

and papers free of charge.  An interesting fact about this Madrassa is that a catalogue of

inventory of this Madrassa prepared in 1045 revealed that it had 6500 volumes on

different subjects, including astronomy, architecture and philosophy

3

.  When the Sunni

Muslims conquered Egypt, they revamped the Shi’ite version of Islam in this Madrassa

and replaced it with the Sunni version, destroyed the books and manuscripts that seemed

contrary to their version of Islam and preserved the volumes that related to the earthly

knowledge.  A huge number of books were taken to Baghdad where a Seljuk Vizier

called Nizam-ul-Mulk Hassan Bin Al-Tusi, established the first organized Madrassa in

1067.

In the new Madrassa established by Nizam-ul-Mulk two types of education were

provided: scholastic theology to produce spiritual leaders, and earthly knowledge to

produce government servants who would be appointed in various countries and the

regions of the Islamic empire.  Later, Nizam-ul-Mulk established numerous Madrassas all

over the empire that in addition to providing Islamic knowledge imparted secular

education in the fields of sciences, philosophy and public administration and governance.

Nizam-ul-Mulk is considered to be the father of the Islamic public education system

4

.  He

himself is the author of a renowned book (among early Muslims) on public

administration called “Siyasat Nama”

5

(the way to govern).

Even though a majority of the Madrassas during the subsequent centuries would remain

the centers of Islamic learning, a large number of them produced renowned scholars and

3

Ahmed, Munir, Islamic Education Prior to the Establishment of Madrassa, Journal of Islamic Studies,

1987

4

Haqqani, Husain, Islam’s Medieval Outposts, Foreign Policy Magazine, November 2002

5

www.Islamicweb.com4

philosophers who contributed to earthly or secular knowledge too.  Ijtihad – independent

reasoning was a special feature of these Madrassas.  This is especially true for Madrassas

in Spain where the Muslims ruled for almost 800 years and which is usually referred to as

the Golden Age of both Islamic and Jewish advancement in science, technology and

philosophy.  It was in Andalusia Spain that Islam is said to have given birth to a number

of scholars who combined spiritual knowledge with the earthly knowledge and

contributed to the preservation of Greek and European knowledge, which was at the

verge of becoming extinct. ‘For Ibn Massara of Córdoba (883-931), man was responsible

of his own history; Ibn Hazm of Córdoba (994-1064) was a pioneer of the comparative

history of religions; and Ibn Gabirol of Malaga’s (1020-1070) fundamental work was the

synthesis of the Jewish faith and the modern philosophy’

6

. Muslim scholars, along with

their Jewish counterparts, pioneered the knowledge of rational sciences, mathematics and

medicine.  Many of these scholars have become familiar to students in the west under

their Latin names, men such as the philosopher Averroes (Ibn Rushd), the

mathematicians Arzachel (al-Zarqali) and Alpetragius (al-Bitruji), and the physician

Avenzoar (Ibn Zuhr) to name a few.

At the same time, as Islam spread to further east, the Sufi orders of the Muslim faith were

establishing Madrassas in the Indian Sub-Continent  a nd Central Asia.  In these Sufi

Madrassas grammar, poetry, literature, logic, math and other disciplines of Islam  and

general knowledge were taught.  As most of the knowledge about Islam was either

recorded in Arabic and Persian, the Madrassas in Indian Sub-Continent became places for

learning Arabic and Persian.  Every student aspiring to reach the highest level of the

Madrassa education had to learn these two languages whatever the mother tongue of the

student.  The most renowned poets of India at that time were, borrowing from the Sufi

traditions of Persia and Central Asia, composing their poems in Persian.

These days of learning and scholarship in Madrassas would not last.

After the defeat of the Muslims empires one by one at the hands of the crusaders  a nd

political rivalries among Muslim leaders, Muslim learning and scholarship went into a

state of decay, from which unfortunately, it has not bounced back.  The defeat and the

humiliation faced by the Muslims in terms of both the loss of material wealth and power

and spiritual integrity, resulted in the Muslim Ulema (literally meaning the scholar) of the

later days to shun any pursuit of worldly knowledge and go back to the basics.  In other

words, they closed the door to Ijtihad – independent reasoning.  Going back to the basics

for this cadre of Muslim scholars meant following those trends and gaining that level of

spirituality due to which the earlier Muslims were able to acquire great power and wealth.

At the time of the European renaissance, the Muslim education structure was beginning

to decline. There was depression, lamentation and nostalgia for the lost glorious days. In

this state of total gloominess Muslim Ulema, slowly gained power by becoming the

spiritual advisors and deliverers of whatever was left of the education and the political

systems.  These murky times in the Muslim history had profound impact on the function

6

Charafi, Abdul Latif, Once Upon a Time in Andalusia, taken from the website of Jamat-e-Islami

Bangladesh http://www.jamaat-e-islami.org/rr/andalusia_charafi.html5

and philosophy of the Madrassas all over the Muslim world.  Many abandoned the

pursuit of rational sciences and focused exclusively on the teachings of Islam as

prescribed in the Koran. Ulema used the verses from the Koran to rationalize their stance

that the earthly or rational knowledge either should not be taught in Madrassas or should

only be studied in the light of the Koran, which for them had all the answers.

The last nail in the coffin of advanced learning in Islamic schools came with the

European colonial powers taking over whatever was left of the Muslim lands.  With

colonialism came a new modern system of education that sought to replace the role of

Madrassas in any type of development. In the new schools, only those elite were invited

to obtain admission that could be used to run the machinery of colonialism.  This resulted

in a dichotomy of education system – secular education for the elite and religious

education for the poor. The new Western powers also brought the idea of separation of

state and religion, which for the Muslim leaders was synonym to heresy. The new system

of governance did not require legitimization through religion and this was seen by

Islamic scholars as a direct threat to the established code of conduct for the Muslim rulers

and their own power

7

.  They were not happy with the new changes.

One particular region in which Madrassa went through a radical shift in ideology was the

Indian Sub-Continent.  When this region came under the British rule and a new

educational system was introduced, which was perceived to be a threat to the Islamic

identity of the Muslims, the Madrassa system in India took upon itself the task of

opposing the cultural and educational hegemony of the British.    It is important to point

out, however, that the Madrassa system in the Indian Subcontinent was the only one that

underwent drastic changes in terms of Islamic education curriculum and teaching styles

and quality and abandoning of the earthly science studies.  The Madrassas in the Arab

world also changed a little in terms of the orientation of the Islamic curriculum but they

carried essentially the same system of education that was established in the early

development of the Madrassa in Baghdad, and to this day accommodate the teaching of

the secular subjects. This is especially true for Egypt where, under the Al-Azhar

education system, the secular subjects compliment the Islamic education.

The following discussion provides a quick look into the structure and curriculum of

various types of Madrassas in different parts of the world.

II. Structure, Curriculum and Pedagogy in Islamic Schools

Structure, Curriculum and Pedagogy in Koranic Schools

In the following section, I will outline the structure and pedagogy in a Koranic school.

As mentioned earlier in the paper, a Koranic school can be described as the lowest level

of learning in Islamic education.  The curriculum in a Koranic school is usually the Koran

only. Every Muslim child, girl and boy, is expected to read and recite the Koran early on.

7

Haqqani, Husain, A History of Madrassa Education,  in Education in the Muslim World: What Next?

Speech delivered at a Symposium at AED, Washington DC 2002.6

A typical model of Koranic school which is common from Central Asia to China, from

India to Arabia and from South Africa to the North  is a small room, usually attached to a

mosque, where a teacher, usually male, teaches students to read and in some cases

memorize the Koran in Arabic whatever the child’s mother tongue.  Students usually

finish the Koran in about three to four years. The students vary in ages from 4 years to 16

or more years.  If it is a male teacher, then girl students do not study with him after

reaching a certain age (typically 9+ years). A Koranic school usually functions during

hours that are most compatible to the time a nd work schedules of the students – either

first thing in the morning or late in the afternoon.  In most countries of Asia and Arabia,

students go to the Koranic school either before or after their school day in a regular

public school. In some parts of West Africa, for poor people, Koranic schools are the

only avenue of obtaining some literacy.

Each Koranic school on average has 40-60 students at one time and the number may

decrease or increase depending on the population of the area where it is located. The

Koranic teacher is usually a Hafiz Koran – the one who has memorized the text and

teaches by one-o n-one coaching technique.  The teacher also teaches by organizing small

groups depending upon the age and level of learning of the student.  If the number of

students is high, the teacher utilizes the technique of peer tutoring, where those students

who have mastered a certain level of the Koran are made to teach the little ones.

On a typical day, the teacher would start by asking students to recite what was taught the

day before.  After ensuring that the student has learned to read and pronounce the

Koranic words in an acceptable manner, he/she reads with the student the next few

paragraphs three or four times, until the student begins to rightly pronounc e and read the

new text.

Koranic schools are informal education systems. This school sector is not centrally

controlled nor does it have any clearly stated goals

8

other than the fact that the students

should be able to read and pronounce the Arabic words correctly.  The in-depth learning

of the Koran at the Koranic school level is not required.  It is only at the Madrassa level –

the more detailed Islamic learning level - where students study the Koran in its entirety,

meaning, with full understanding of all aspects and detailed interpretation.

Structure, Curriculum and Pedagogy in Madrassas

As outlined in the history of Madrassas above, some Madrassas have evolved from the

centers of Islamic learning to the centers of secular knowledge acquisition, to the current

state of greater emphasis on Islamic teachings only. This is especially true for Madrassas

in Pakistan and some parts of Indonesia.  Others have tried to maintain a balance in

teaching both religious and secular subjects (Egypt and Bangladesh).  However,

increasingly, the some Muslim Ulema are emphasizing that secular knowledge should be

taught in light of the knowledge revealed in the Koran.

8

Bouzoubaa, Khadija, An Innovation in Morocco’s Koranic Pre-Schools, A paper written for Bernard van

Leer Foundation, May 19987

The structure and operational procedures of the Madrassas vary from region to region.  In

West Africa, most of the Islamic learning takes place in Maktab or Koranic schools.

There are only a few Madrassas in West Africa where students obtain detailed Islamic

education. In the Arab world, the governments who control the curriculum and ensure

that some secular subjects are taught in these institutions finance most Madrassas. In

Indonesia and Malaysia, governments follow more or less the same pattern as in  the Arab

world. In the South Asia region, a large number of Madrassas, although financed by

special boards of religious education that operate under the Ministry of Religious Affairs,

are free to acquire other funds from private donors.

The common curriculum in Madrassas, in all regions, is Islamic studies and acquisition of

greater understanding of Islamic principals that govern day-to-day lives of the Muslims.

Therefore, subjects such as Fiqa – Islamic law, Hadith – Prophet’s saying, SunnaProphet’s traditions, Tafseer – interpretation of the Koran, and logic form the crux of

Madrassa curriculum. Whereas, most Madrassas in Pakistan teach only religious subjects,

many Madrassas, such as the ones in Egypt, Indonesia and Bangladesh, also teach secular

subjects.

Madrassas in West Africa

Islam has an extended history in West Africa.  Islamic education was perhaps the first

organized educational system that was introduced to the indigenous West African

populations.  Islamic schooling spread to West Africa through the effects of trade and

war.  As trade routes expanded and Arabs and newly converted African kings and princes

conquered new territories, Islam spread to new and wider areas.  The first Islamic schools

were established along the trade routes in West Africa

9

.  The small hotels and restaurants

along the trade routes were used as Koranic reading facilities.  The present West African

term Marabout used for the Koranic teacher is derived from the Arabic word Murabit,

which means inhabitant of ribat or the way-station along the trade route.

The most prevalent provision of Islamic schooling in the West African context is through

Koranic schools. Similar to the Koranic school in any other region or country, the

Koranic school in West Africa is also a small facility, usually attached to a mosque where

children learn the Koran and the basic duties of Muslim life. The Koranic schools in West

Africa, as in other parts of the world, are mostly community-based and communityfinanced places.  The colonial authorities established a few medersas (Madrassas) as an

effort to blend both Islamic and regular school system.  These teach regular curriculum as

well as Koranic studies and Arabic language and their marabouts are much more learned

than the marabouts in Koranic schools. Another form of religious education in West

Africa is “Improved Koranic Schools”

10

.  This term covers a variety of initiatives

undertaken by UNDP and other international organizations, to introduce additional

subjects in the best of the existing Koranic schools.  Under these initiatives, teachers or

9

Easton, Peter et al. The Practical Application of Koranic Schooling in West Africa, Florida State

University, 1994

1 0

Ibid8

marabout are provided specialized training and are prepared to teach additional secular

subjects such as math, science etc.

As described in the description of a typical Koranic school, Koranic schools in West

African context also teach the Koran in Arabic, whatever the child’s mother tongue.  The

only difference is that in this region, in several Koranic schools, the Arabic writing is

semi-phonetic.  It can be and is use to transcribe several of the languages of West Africa.

Speakers of these languages then often acquire literacy in the course of their Islamic

education even if they never understand anything in Arabic.

Madrassas in Egypt

In Egypt, most Madrassas teach both secular and Islamic subjects to the ir students.

These Madrassas are rum by the Al-Azhar University education system. Al Azhar

University is considered the Harvard of Islamic education, which was established in

the eleventh century.  It maintains separate Madrassa facilities for male and female

students

11

. It is responsible for religious education as well as other components of

secular curriculum.

In the Al Azhar system of Madrassas, primary religious school extends over the first 6

years and preparatory school extends over the next three years. Students who then go

on to successfully complete 4 years of secondary religious school can enroll at AlAzhar University. Those who do not go to secondary religious school can attend, like

mainstream students, vocational or secondary schools that operate under the Ministry

of Education.  Al-Azhar also operates higher education facilities that provide bachelor

and master’s level courses in Islamic studies, dentistry, commerce and medicine.

The supervision and administration of the Al-Azhar educational system is the

responsibility of the Central Administration of Al-Azhar Institutes. This is a

department of the Supreme Council of Al-Azhar, which is responsible for the

development of general policy and planning to ensure the propagation of Islamic

culture and the Arabic language in these schools.

Since Al-Azhar University – the very first Islamic Madrassa itself –is the center of

Islamic learning which has remained unchanged since the medieval time, one can deduce

that Madrassas in Egypt are teaching the same Islamic concepts and knowledge which is

based on the Koranic teachings and interpretations that were developed during the earlier

periods of Islamic learning.  Al Azhar institutions also try to incorporate spiritual learning

with the secular subjects.  For example, in 1961, according to Al-Azhar University's

legislatory law No. 103 new colleges of applied sciences, such as the faculties of

medicine and engineering, were also introduced.  Appendix A provides details of AlAzhar institutions and their location.

1 1

Taken verbatim from http://www.ed.gov/offices/OUS/PES/int_egypt.html, the US Department of

Education - Planning and Evaluation Service9

“These newly introduced faculties are not duplicates of their counterparts in other

universities [such as regular schools of medicine] since they combine both the empirical

as well as the religious sciences”

12

. The information on how exactly Al Azhar system

combines spiritual sciences with empirical or earthly sciences and what types of teachers

teach  there could not be obtained to include in this paper. The prevalent thought among

the traditional Islamic scholars of today is that reason and pursuit of knowledge have a

very important place in Islamic society as long as reason is subservient to the revealed

knowledge

13

. It will be interesting to study how the Al-Azhar University teaches earthly

knowledge (which, is increasingly based on reason) in the light of the revealed

knowledge of the Koran.

Whatever the merits of the Islamic education system in Egypt, the demand for Al Azhar

education is on the rise.  The following table provides some statistics.

Numbers of Registered Students and Existing Classrooms

in Al-Azhar Education System

14

Levels Admitted Students New Classrooms

1981/82 1994/95 1981/82 1994/95

Primary

128,048 701,979 3,355 19,780

Preparatory 66,344 187,326 1,783 5,816

Secondary 997,57 168,830 2,519 5,684

Teacher Education 3,241 9,445 - 2,24

Quranic Recitations 1,428 6,497 - 2,24

Total 298,818 1,074,077 7,657 31,733

Al-Azhar University 83,034 102,300 31 faculties 49 faculties

The above table shows that the number of religious institutes and students has

continued to increase over the years. According to the Ministry of Information and

Statistics in Egypt, in 2001–2002, 26% and 29% of the new students were expected to

choose the Al-Azhar system for general and university education, respectively.

Similar to the secular education system, the Islamic education system in Egypt is no

better prepared to produce students who would be absorbed into the regular job

market. However, after graduating from higher levels of Islamic schooling, Madrassa

students at least have a greater chance of employment in the religious sector. The AlAzhar University graduates become renowned scholars and serve as muftis (Islamic

teachers and scholars) and spiritual leaders both within and outside the country.  Most

of the teachers that teach in Madrassas of Al Azhar University are the product of the

system itself

15

.

1 2

Taken from Islam for Today http://www.islamfortoday.com/alazhar.htm

1 3

Tibi, Bassam, Fundamentalisms and Society: The World View of Sunni Arab Fundamentalists: Attitudes

towards Modern Science and Technology; Edt. Marty, Martine M and R. Scott Appleby, University of

Chicago Press, 1993.

1 4

http://www.sis.gov.eg/public/achieve/html/ach04.htm

1 5

Taken from Islam for Today http://www.islamfortoday.com/alazhar.htm10

Madrassas in Indonesia

There are two types of Islamic schools in Indonesia: “Madrassas” and “Pesantrens” or

“Pondok” meaning the bamboo hut. The former is an Islamic day school while the latter

is an Islamic boarding school.

Madrassas in Indonesia 2000-2001

16

Level Private Public Total Teacher Students

Ratio

Number of

Students

Upper

Secondary

3130 575 3705 1:44 576,000

Lower

Secondary

9,624 1168 10,792 1:10 1.9 million

Primary 20,554 1,481 22,035 1:18 2.9 million

Indonesian Madrassas provide education at three levels: primary, lower secondary and

upper secondary. These schools teach the national education curriculum and use extended

hours in which to teach basic Islamic education and principles. Students who graduate

from the Upper Secondary level of accredited Madrassas are qualified to enter a regular

university. The great majority of the Madrassas are privately owned and operated while

others operate under the Ministry of Religion. Madrassas are less expensive than public

secondary schools and provide access to basic education in rural and urban low-income

communities. Hence, they widen access to basic education through more affordable

schooling as well as supplying Islamic teaching to those parents and students interested in

receiving it.

No. of Pesantrens in Indonesia, 2000-2001

17

Total Pesantrens Number of

Students

11,312 2.7 million

Pesantrens operate as independent Islamic self-governing schools, outside of the national

Madrassa and public education system. They exist as a community with a compound,

mosque and boarding system where students and teachers eat, sleep, learn and generally

interact throughout the day. Most are located in rural areas. Pesantrens vary considerably

in size from only a few hundred students to as many as 4,000 or more. The majority of

Pesentrens have a customized curriculum that consists mainly of Islamic teachings that

are based on the interpretation of the headmaster (Kyai) or the school of thought under

which the school operates. Religious subjects include Islamic theology; philosophy,

jurisprudence and ethics; Koranic exegesis, recitation and memorization; and Arabic

literature, grammar or astronomy. In addition to Islamic studies, a few Pesantrens also

include subjects from the government prescribed secular curriculum.

1 6

Ministry of Religious Affairs, Educational Statistics. “Indonesia School Year 2000-2001 ” :

1 7

Ministry of Religious Affairs: Educational Statistics, “Indonesia School Year 2000-2001” Indonesia11

Many Pesentrens have a business to make it self-supporting, so they provide training for

the students in trading, farming, cottage industries, and other community based incomegenerating activities. Thus, many Pesantrens attempt to blend traditional Islamic values,

such as Islamic unity, selflessness, simplicity, social justice and self-sufficiency, with

selected modern ones, such as entrepreneurial business management with English

language and computer skill training

18

.

With 43.4 million students enrolled in public primary and secondary schools (29.2

million in primary and 14.2 million in secondary) in the year 2001-2002, it is clear that

the vast majority of school-aged children in Indonesia enroll in public schools. The

comparable enrolment data for the same school year for public and Islamic schools are

unavailable.  However, it is estimated that Islamic schools in Indonesia enroll between

10-15% of the total school age population more than 40% of them are girls. While

considerably smaller in number, these two types of schools do function in parallel to the

public system to provide alternative avenues of education.

The teachers for Islamic schools are trained at the Institut Agama Islam Negeri

(IAIN), which is a consortium of fourteen National Islamic institutes that are located

in major city centers and thirty-three Islamic senior schools in medium sized cities in

Indonesia.  The purpose of this consortium is “modernization of Islam in Indonesia by

promoting critical thought an objective inquiry, interaction with tolerance and

understanding of and understanding of other religions, a participatory, democratic and

inclusive approach to government and development and the respect for egalitarian and

open tradition of classic Islam

19

.

Madrassas in Bangladesh

The Development Gateway statistics, taken from the Ministry of Education in

Bangladesh, show that in 1998, there were approximately 6,900 Madrassas in Bangladesh.

The following tables provide the number of schools and the number of students enrolled

by level of the Madrassa education system in Bangladesh in 1998.

Types and Levels of Madrassas in Bangladesh (1998)

20

Levels of Madrassas 1995/96 1996/97 1997/98

1 Dakhil 4206 4487 4839

2 Alim 894 949 997

3 Fazil 890 899 953

4 Kamil 110 120 126

Total 6100 6655 6915

1 8

Dhofier, Zamakhsyari, The Pesantren Tradition: The Role Of Kyia in the Maintenance of Traditional

Islam in Java, Arizona State University Publishers, 1999

1 9

Impact on the Development and Modernization of Islam in Indonesia, Impact Study of the Cooperation

between IAIN and McGill University, Final Report, May 2000.

2 0

Taken from Bangladesh Development Gateway

http://www.bangladeshgateway.org/sdnp/education/documents/database/number-Madrassa.html12

Number of Students in Madrassas in Bangladesh (1998)

21

Type of Madrassas 1995/96 1996/97 1997/98

1 Dakhil (primary - mostly

Quranic recitation)*

1,174,000 1,296,000 1,370,000

2 Alim (middle to high)* 292,000 307,000 333,000

3 Fazil (higher secondary)* 350,000 352,000 358,000

4 Kamil (college and post

graduate)*

59000 65,000 65,000

Total 1,875,000 2,020,000 2,123,000

Secular and Religious Schools – A Comparison

Secular System Religious System

Level Number Students Number Students

Primary 66235 17,627,000 4839 1,370,000

Secondary 13419 6,289,000 1950* 691,000*

College 3344 2,919,146 126 65,000

Total 82,989 26,835,146 6,915 2,123,000

* Alim and Fazil combined for comparison purposes.

As the above table shows approximately 10% of the students in Bangladesh attend

religious education system.  The secular school system caters to a majority of the

students.

There are two types of Madrassa systems in Bangladesh: Quomi (also known as Dars-eNizami) and Aliya. Aliya Madrassas function under the auspices of the Government and

teach secular as well as religious subjects. Quomi Madrassas teach only the Islamic

subject. The Aliya Madrassa system (which is the government recognized Madrassa

system) has four levels and its religious curriculum is prescribed by the Department of

Arabic at the Calcutta Madrassa in India as follows

22

:

Dakhil: Combined with Ibtidayee (primary), is equivalent to elementary school – grade

1-8. At early stages, religious education is mainly focused on reading and recitation of the

Koran.  As students proceed to higher grades, they study Islamic jurisprudence, sayings

of the Prophet, Arabic language, History of Islam, Bengali, math, social studies and

English.

Alim: This is equivalent to the lower secondary level of the mainstream school system

(grades 9-10). At this level, students learn tenants of Islam such as interpretation of the

Koran and the Prophet’s traditions and sayings in details.  They must also study Physics,

Chemistry and English.

2 1

Taken from Bangladesh Development Gateway

http://www.bangladeshgateway.org/sdnp/education/documents/database/number-Madrassa.html

2 2

Memon, Abul, “Madrassa Education in Bangladesh: Background, Present Scenario and the Position of

Women”, Bangladesh Nari Progati Sangha, 199713

Fazil:  This level is equal to higher secondary or lower college level (grades 11-12). At

this stage, the intensity of religious subjects increases with the addition of subjects such

as Islamic logic, law, in depth study of Arabic literature and history.  Students also study

English and other basic social studies books.

Kamil: This is the highest level of religious education and is equivalent to a Masters

degree in Islamic studies from a regular university. After completion of this stage, a

student is expected to have gained knowledge on all aspects of Islam and lead large

congregations.  At this level, students are not required to study any secular subjects.

Most Quomi Madrassas in Bangladesh are dedicated to teaching the Koran and other

basic Islamic ethics.  They are numerous in number and do not fall under the jurisdiction

of the Bangladeshi Religious Education Board. Daurl-Uloom Deoband in India sets the

curriculum for these schools. This curriculum structure is described in detail in the

description of Madrassas in Pakistan.  Quomi Madrassas do not teach any secular subjects

or keep enrollment records.

23

Unlike Aliya Madrassas students, students enrolled in

Quomi Madrassas do not take any exam administered by the Government

24

.

A report on the Madrassa education in Bangladesh written in 1997

25

, the author describes

the atmosphere in Quomi Madrassas as follows:

‘As regard to education and atmosphere, the Quomi Madrassas maintain a

conservative hard-line attitude and are against any sort of modern thinking.  In these

Madrassas, importance is given to Urdu and Persian rather than Bengali.

Nevertheless, as there is a lack of teachers who have good command of both of these

languages, children do not acquire sufficient literacy.  As a result, the students are not

attaining any proficiency in any language including their mother tongue.’

Madrassas in Pakistan

The following table shows the number of secular and religious schools and the number of

students enrolled in each province of Pakistan during 2000-2002.

Secular and Religious Schools in Pakistan – 2000-2002*

Province Secular Schools Madrassa

Schools+

Students in

Secular Schools

(M&F)

Students in

Madrassa

Schools**

Punjab 115207 3155 9,057,979

NWFP 81292 1776 3,154,913

Sindh 46035 905 2,750,850

Balochistan 20756 692 789,868

2 3

Bangladesh Education Sector Review – Report 1, Prepared by Ground Work Inc., for Creative Associates

International, June 2002

2 4

Babur, Salahuddin Madrassa in Focus, 2002, http://www.bccbd.org/probe/Madrassas.htm

2 5

Memon, Abul, “Madrassa Education in Bangladesh: Background, Present Scenario and the Position of

Women”, Bangladesh Nari Progati Sangha, 1997, p 2614

Mosque Schools 25229***

Total 288,519 6528 15,753,610 1,197,427

* Data taken from the Ministry of Education for the year 2000 and the Ministry of Religious Affairs for the

year 2002; **Data by province not available; ***Mosque schools operate under the Ministry of Education

and are usually considered as secular schools; +refers to Madrassas only that operate under the religious

education board.

There are three main types of religious institutions in Pakistan: Koranic schools (where

only the Koran is taught), Mosque schools (where both Koranic and secular subjects are

taught) and Madrassas (where only Islamic learning takes place).

Koranic Schools: Every Muslim child in Pakistan is expected and encouraged to read the

Koran either in a mosque or at home. Koranic schools usually function in a mosque

where the mullah teaches the Koran to children, both boys and girls. At the basic level,

the Koran is taught in words only and no translation or interpretation is provided to

students. The end objective is that all Muslims must be able to read the Koran in Arabic

even if they do not understand the language itself. Students are expected to try to

understand the Koran when possible but not much is actually done to impart detailed

knowledge of the Koran to the student in Koranic schools. Koranic schools offer classes

at various times - evening, morning, afternoon – to accommodate the time schedules of

teachers and students.

Mosque Primary Schools: Due to a lack of resources to provide schools in every village,

in the mid 80’s the Government of Pakistan experimented with the idea of converting

some Koranic schools into mosque primary schools in rural areas. The plan was to add

some additional subjects such as basic Urdu and mathematics, which would be taught to

the students by the local imam. The plan faced serious challenges because the local

imams were not academically prepared to teach Urdu and math since many of them had

not attended formal secular schools and the Government did not provide any training to

prepare them for the new task. While some mosque schools closed down, some also

survived. Currently, there are approximately 25,000 mosque primary schools in Pakistan.

Studies on their efficacy are not available.

Madrassa: The mission of most Madrassas in Pakistan is to prepare students for religious

duties. Adhering to strict religious teachings, Madrassas teach Islamic subjects such as

the Koran, Islamic law and Jurisprudence, Logic and the Prophet’s traditions. Depending

upon the level of the Madrassa (primary, middle or high), the concentration of religious

teachings increases. Hafiz-e-Koran (the one who memorizes the Koran fully) or Qari (the

one who can recite the Koran with good pronunciation and in a melodic tone) are

produced at the lower level of Madrassas. The higher levels of Madrassas produce Alim –

the Islamic scholar and/or teacher. An Alim certificate from a Madrassa is equivalent to

an MA degree in Islamic studied or Arabic from a regular university. A Madrassa student

after graduating from grade 10, is qualified enough to declare Fatwas – religious edicts.

Those students who enroll in Madrassas full time do so with the knowledge that they will

become well versed in religious studies only and will find jobs in the religious sector

since very few Madrassas supplement religious education with secular subjects. 15

There are five major Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan: Deobandi, Bareili, AhleHadith, Salafi, and Shia. Each sect has their own Madrassas in which they teach their

own version of Islam. The two main sects of Sunni Islam - Deobandi and Bareili -

dominate the Madrassas system in Pakistan

26

. Deobandi schools are most commonly

found along the Afghan-Pakistan border and within the city centers. The Deobandi and

Bareili sects originated in the colonial Indian sub-continent in response to the perceived

imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its own version of education.

The Deobandi sect is considered the most conservative and anti-west.

The core religious curriculum in Pakistani Madrassas is similar to any other Madrassa in

the world except that it had a few more books in Persian.  It focuses on the teachings of

Islam – Hadith, Fiqa, Tafseer, Sunna and the like.  A typical model of what is taught in

Madrassa schools in Pakistan is provided in this following table

27

.

First Year  Biogr aphy of the Prophet (Syrat), Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf), Syntax

(Nahv), Arabic Literature, Chirography, Chant illation (Tajvid)

Second Year Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature,

Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Logic, Chirography (Khush-navisi), Chant illation,

(Tajvid)

Third Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence: (Fiqh), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature,

Hadith, Logic, Islamic Brotherhood, Chant illation: (Tajvid), External

study (Tareekh Millat a nd Khilafat-e-Rashida – these are Indian Islamic

movements).

Fourth Year  Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence  (Fiqa), Principles of  Jurisprudence,

Rhetorics, Hadith, Logic, History, Cant illation, Modern Sciences (sciences

of cities of Arabia, Geography of the Arab Peninsula and other Islamic

countries)

Fifth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence, Principles of Jurisprudence, Rhetoric,

Beliefs  (Aqa'id), Logic, Arabic Literature, Chant illation, External study

(History of Indian Kings)

Sixth Year Interpretation of the Koran, Jurisprudence, Principles of Interpretation &

Jurisprudence, Arabic Literature, Philosophy, Chant illation, Study of

Prophet’s traditions

Seventh Year Sayings of the Prophet, Jurisprudence, Belief (Aqa'ed), Responsibility

(Fra'iz), Chant illation, External Study (Urdu texts)

Eighth Year Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the Prophet.

2 6

Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military, International Crisis Group, 2002

2 7

Taken from the website of Darul-Uloom Deoband in India http://www.darululoom-deoband.com/english/

This institution prescribes the Madrassa curriculum in Pakistan16

For graduate classes beyond eight years, greater emphasis in paid on interpretation of the

Koran and various books written in Persian and Arabic are mastered at this stage.  In

addition, various aspects of Islamic jurisprudence are mastered through different books in

Arabic and Persian, which cover all aspects of Muslim life, including banking, divorce,

etc.

As can be seen from the above list of subjects, there is no mention of modern sciences,

such as Chemistry, Biology or technology.  However, since September 11, several

Madrassas in Pakistan, especially those located in urban centers, have tried to include

science subjects in their curriculum.

This brings us to the question of content and teaching methodology in Pakistani

Madrassas

28

.

Pakistani Madrassas pay heavy emphasis to the teachings of Arabic and Persian. The

languages in the Pakistani Madrassas are not taught for their intrinsic worth but because

they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are necessary for an Alim. For this

purpose Arabic, of course, occupies the centre stage. Persian, which was socially and

academically necessary in Muslim India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is

generally the medium of instruction in Pakistani Madrassas. However, in the Pashtospeaking parts of the NWFP, Pashto is the medium of instruction while Sindhi is the

medium of instruction in many Madrassas in Sindhi-speaking parts of Sindh. Urdu is,

indeed, the language in which Madrassa students become most competent in most of the

Madrassas.

Most of the books from which languages are taught are very old Arabic and Persian

books that were written in the 1500’s or before.  Pakistani Madrassas today still teach

many of the Dars-e-Nizami texts.  These are some of the oldest exiting Arabic books.

Students also study the Persian translation of Arabic books. “The Arabic books are

treatises on grammar in rhymed couplets. One of the best known among them, Kafia Ibne-Malik, is so obscure that it is always taught through a commentary called the Sharah

Ibn-e-Aqil. The commentary is often the dread of students and a source of pride for the

teacher who has mastered it. In the Madrassas Arabic is not taught as a living language.

The student is made to memorize the rhymed couplets from the ancient texts as well as

their explanations. As the explanations in a number of texts are in Persian, which is also

memorized, the student generally fails to apply his knowledge to the living language.

Some ancient texts, such as the Mizbah-ul-Nahv, are explained in Urdu. But in this case

the Urdu is much Arabicized. The explanation is scholastic and would not be understood

by, let alone convince, somebody who is not familiar with the special branch of medieval

Islamic philosophy on which it is based”.

28

This discussion on the curriculum in Madrassas in Pakistan draws heavily from Tariq Rahman’s

“Language, Religion and Identity in Pakistan: Language-Teaching in Pakistan Madrassas” in Ethnic

Studies Report, Vol XVI, July 1998.  This is the only resource that could be found that discusses some

aspect of pedagogy in Pakistani Madrassas.17

In major Madrassas, students learn Urdu from the Government textbooks that tend to

inculcate the feeling of nationalism and the glorification of war.  In addition, many of the

Madrassas teach Muallimul Insha which is written by an Indian Alim, which is a response

to modernity.  Whereas the ancient books never felt it necessary to prescribe an Islamic

form of behavior as it was not in dispute or under threat, this book does advise to act a

certain way to challenge modernity.  In this book, history begins with the fall of Spain in

the hands of Moorish prince Tarik Bin Ziad.  It also states that English were always the

enemies of the Muslims and advises that Muslims should adopt certain behaviors to

challenge the modern advances that may encroach upon a Muslim’s identity.

“The Persian books in the Madrassas include: Atta’s Pand Nama, Nam-e-Haq and

Sa’adi’s Karima. These books are didactic and they are in Persian rhymed couplets.

Although they are ‘safe’ from the Ulema’s point of view, being about morality, this

morality is strictly medieval and patriarchal. Both Pand Nama and Karima approve of

hospitality and condemn miserliness. In bothsilence is a virtue and spontaneous talking is

not. In both women are inferior, untrustworthy and alluring as, indeed, are beardless boys.

Both belong to a male world confident in its superiority. Women are faithless and the

wise must suspect them” (p 208).

Another Persian book, which is taught, is called Nama-e-Haque, which is concerned with

the rituals of ablution, prayers, cleanliness and the like.  Those Persian books, written by

Sufi poets, such as Golistan and Bostan, which in addition to teaching classical Islam,

taught about love and appreciation of various things in nature, are either not taught in

these Madrassas or chapters dealing with love and appreciation of nature are taken out on

the discretion of the Alim under whom the Madrassa is functioning.

As is the case in majority of Madrassas all over the world, the teaching practices

emphasize rote memorization and encourage very little critical thinking.  The teaching

style of a typical teacher in a Pakistani Madrassa, especially, in lower grades is very

autocratic and little children are punished for not conforming to the rules and regulations.

Severe corporal punishment is the norm, which results in high drop out rates.

A Majority of the teachers is males who are the product of the Madrassa system.  A few

have attended Al Azhar University in Cairo to gain specialized Islamic knowledge.  Al

Azhar University also seconds some of its Islamic scholars to various Madrassas all over

the world where they teach religion to students in higher classes.

III. Politics and Religion in Madrassas

Indian Sub-Continent (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh), is perhaps the only region where

during the last twenty years, politicians from different parts of the world have found a

platform in Madrassas to advance their political agendas.  Now same thing is happening

in Indonesia where religious leaders are increasingly using the Madrassas as launching

pads to attack either their rivals or other interests.  In the Arab world, such as in Egypt,

Madrassas in general are, at least, not perceived to be playing any noticeable role in 18

politics.  The Muslim Brotherhood political movement in Egypt, which is considered to

be a terrorist group by the Egyptian Government, is not rooted in the Madrassa system of

Egypt.  It began as a political movement on secular university campuses, which over the

years has used Islam to generate wider support.  Most of the operatives of the Muslim

Brotherhood have studied abroad and in secular universities in Egypt.  While A-Azhar

University is considered to be a conservative institution, there is no evidence that its

schools or institutions are the ‘breeding grounds’ for Islamic radicals. It is true for other

Arab countries such as Morocco, Yemen, Jordan, Syria, and so  o n also.

Madrassas in Pakistan present a unique example of what can go wrong with the religious

education system if it is not monitored and/or nurtured in a positive manner.  Theyare the

only ones that came under immediate fire after the events of September 11, 2001. Why is

it so?  The following discussion addresses this question.

In recent months, many articles and reports have pointed out with alarm the increase in

the number of Madrassas in Pakistan during the past 20 years. According to the 2002

International Consultative Group Report, the Ministry of Education estimated that in

1995 there were 3,906 Madrassas, which increased to 7,000 in 2000.

29

According to a

September 2002 article in the Dawn newspaper

30

, the Ministry of Religious Affairs in

Pakistan reported the number of registered Madrassas at 6,528 enrolling about 1.2 million

students. Yet, in April 2002, Pakistan’s minister for religious affairs told the ICG that he

believed that there were currently 10,000 Madrassas. However, he acknowledged that

because of the problem of definition, he suspects there could be more, with as many as

one million to 1.7 million students attending classes at least for short periods.

31

Nobody

knows for sure how many Madrassas currently exist in Pakistan but some analysts

believe the number is higher than what was reported by the minister for religious affairs.

Some say that it may be as high as 33,000

32

.

Madrassas in Pakistan are a product of Soviet-Afghan war.  For most of Pakistan’s

history, Madrassas numbered in the low hundreds and focused on training the next

generation of religious leaders. Beginning in the mid 70’s, the number of Madrassas

began to grow.  The reason was that the government of Pakistan failed to provide

education to the growing number of students.  The rise of Jamat-e-Islami (an Islamic

political party), and the active support from the Bhutto Government to essentially

declaring Pakistan a theocracy, led to the expansion of Madrassas where children could

come for religious education free of cost. At the same time, the events in neighboring

Iran were also influencing the process of Islamization o f Pakistan.

The number of Madrassas grew at an even greater rate in the mid-80s under Zia’s regime,

with financing from the Pakistani government, and the CIA. Large theological seminaries

were established along the Afghan-Pakistan border to create a cadre of religiously

2 9

Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military, International Crisis Group, 2002, p. 2.

3 0

Ali, Zulifiqar, EU Ready to Help Madrassas, Dawn News, September 2, 2002

3 1

Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military, International Crisis Group, 2002. p. 2.

3 2

Gill, K.P.S, Politics of Islam in Pakistan, Hindu Vivek Kendra, March 2001,

http://www.hvk.org/articles/0301/11.html19

motivated Mujahidins to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan.  Students in these seminaries

were taught to fight the ‘Godless’ Russians and ensure that Afghanistan is freed to be

established as a good religious state

33

.  Students learned basic mathematics by counting

dead Russians and hand grenades.

Religious fervor, support from the super-powers resulted in the defeat of the Soviet

Union in Afghanistan.  Then the military dictatorship fell in Pakistan. As subsequent

governments in Pakistan, who were engaged in inter-political bickering, were unable to

fully control these Madrassas financially, additional funds started flowing in from private

individuals and Islamic charities. At the same time, CIA abandoned these institutions and

thought that now that the Soviet Union is gone so will all the lessons from the minds of

the Madrassa students who were trained to fight the Soviets.  In addition, the inability of

the Government of Pakistan to provide education for all and the precarious political

situation in Afghanistan kept the Madrassa system alive in Pakistan.  More and more

Mujahidins were recruited to fight for the ouster of the corrupt governments in

Afghanistan and holy wars in other places such as Kashmir, Bosnia etc. In addition to

Madrassas that were established to support the Afghan conflict, other sectarian Madrassas,

flourished during the same time in Pakistan. The main purpose of these sectarian

Madrassas was to guard and spread their version of Islam.

An interesting product of this transition in the Islamic education system in Pakistan is that

after the fall of the Russian empire, the focus of hatred in Madrassas shifted from Russia

to the West in general.  The boundary of hatred that was earlier limited to Russia, the

Godless enemy, expanded to include the West in general and the United States in

particular.  The Israeli-Palestinian conflict was used as a pre-curser by the Arab

financiers from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait to create a cadre of Muslim fighters who would

not only, somehow, restore the land to the Palestinians but also strengthen Islam by

restoring it to its original state – the puritanical Wahabi version.  Those Madrassas that

tried to propose the teaching of secular subjects so that their students would have some

marketable skills were strictly forbidden to do so by the patrons in Saudi Arabia and

Kuwait

34

.  Thus, Pakistani Madrassas came under a vicious circle from which there was

no way out.

In summary, the inability of the Pakistani government to meet the demand of education

by young Muslim males; economic deterioration in Pakistan; the events in Afghanistan;

open financial support for expanding religious education by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait;

and U.S. interests in terms of  using mujahidins for the fall of the Soviet Union; played a

crucial role in bringing the Madrassa system in Pakistan to where it is now. As the saying

goes, too many chefs can destroy the cake. The same thing happened to the religious

education in Pakistan – there were too many players who were following their own

recipes and not paying attention to the final product.

3 3

Haqqani, Huasin, Presentation on the Capitol Hill, February 2003.

3 4

Interviews with the Principals of Madrassas in Pakistan, April 2002.20

Conclusion

The purpose of Islamic education is giving meaning to life and enriching it with the light

of the Islamic faith as outlined in the Koran.  Another purpose is strengthening and

advancing human societies.  Over the years however, the underlying attempt of Islamic

education to strengthen and advance human societies has failed to achieve its goal.

Despite exponential advances in science and technology all over the developed word, the

current Islamic world seems unable to respond both culturally and educationally to the

popular western development approaches.

There are a few reasons for this isolationist approach.  The encroachment of the Western

powers in Muslim indigenous cultures and their insistence on creating systems of

governments where religion had only secondary importance in daily life was a first blow

to the Muslim identity and the very nature of existence.  Second was the resolve of

European colonialists to impose their version of education on the masses and create such

conditions that without obtaining European version of secular education one had little

chance of social mobility within the system.  Religious education found means to exist

but only on the fringes.  By the turn of the twentieth century, most Muslim countries

encouraged only those belonging to an upper class to obtain western education since they

had a vital interest in preserving the newly encountered western culture.  After the fall of

the imperialism, only those Muslim leaders came into power that had gained riches

during the colonial time and thus were committed to sustaining the western models of

development. Both the colonists and subsequent Muslim leaders abandoned the Islamic

education system that could have been  used to mobilize the Muslim masses for enhanced

development.

The blame, however, does not lie with the Westerners only.  The increasing isolation and

ghettoization of Islam is the result of a reactionary, rather than precautionary stance

taken by the Ulema (Islamic religious leaders).  Closing the doors to wider aspects of

learning, which were the hallmark of advanced Muslim civilization, has pushed the

Islamic education system into an abyss.  When faced with utter defeat and disgust,

Muslim leaders have often called for aggressive means of making their point.  Instead of

finding means and ways where Islam and secularization would go hand-in-hand for an

advanced society, such as experienced by earlier Muslim empires, the new cadre of

Ulema insists on nothing less than total adherence to their version of Islam, which to a

vast majority of moderate Muslims is unacceptable. The resistance of the Islamic scholars

to improve the curriculum in Madrasras to reflect new religious and political realities,

including the concerns of women, has created a negative image of Islamic education  not

only all over the world but within Islamic societies as well.

The current state of Islamic religious education in many parts of the world does not pose

an immediate threat to the world’s security.  Nevertheless, the grim situation of

Madrassas in Pakistan, and increasingly in Indonesia, should serve as an example to all

Muslim countries and Western powers that when education and religion become playing

cards in the hands of the politicians, the results are often disastrous.  21

Having said that, could Islamic education be used or modified to bring about greater

social and societal changes in the Muslim world?  The answer is yes. The first place to

begin with is the basic literacy level.  Every Muslim child is encouraged to read the

Koran in a mosque or a Maktab by the parents and community as a whole.  In

countries where large Muslim populations either do not have access to schools or do

not want to send their children, especially girls, to schools imparting literacy through

Koranic school would be a good start.  A program, where perhaps, the Koran is

translated into the local or national language and along with the Arabic children are

taught the translation of the Koran would certainly add to the literacy skills of the

students (as it is done in some parts of West Africa).  Slowly this basic literacy

acquisition may lead to other advances in learning.  This type of intervention  would

require intensive skills building of the Koranic teachers.  Some examples of Koranic

school teachers’ training exist in West Africa and, perhaps in Pakistan, which may

inform policy options in this regard.

For advanced and scientific learning through higher levels of Islamic education

systems (in Madrassas), major changes would be required.  For example, in Pakistani

Madrassas mere introduction of math and computer courses will not change the views

of the students towards the society and the world at large. Computer and English

language courses cannot do much to alter the mindset of students in Madrassas who

are taught, for example that ‘women are not to be trusted and that beardless boys are

going to hell’. The first thing to consider, in this regard, is the orientation of the

Islamic education curricula.  The questions that Islamic scholars and teachers must be

pushed to ask are, currently what types of religious ideologies and beliefs are being

promoted by Islamic curriculum in various Madrassas?    Are they compatible with the

prevailing political, religious, human rights, women’s right realties that surround the

Muslim world today? How through Islamic education systems in combination with

scientific interventions, Muslim nations can advance in the 21

st

century?  Could the

Madrassas be brought back to the point where they lead the debate on Ijtihad –

independent reasoning and pave the way for advancement in Muslim societies?

The answers to these questions should come from the Muslim leaders and scholars

themselves. At present, it would be wise for the international donors and educators to

facilitate this dialogue. Only if Islamic leaders and scholars are able to articulate the

answers to the above questions and are willing to adapt and change, the world could

witness another Islamic renaissance.      22

Institutions Operating Under Al-Azhar University in Egypt

35

Faculties for Boys In Cairo and the Regions Faculty for Girls In Cairo and the Regions

Faculty of Islamic Theology.

Faculty of Islamic Juris prudence and Law.

Faculty of Arabic Language.

Faculty of Islamic and Arabic Studies.

Faculty of Da'wa, Islamic Call.

Faculty of Education.

Faculty of Languages and Translation.

Faculty of Science.

Faculty of Medicine.

Faculty of Pharmacy.

Faculty of Dentistry.

Faculty of Agriculture.

Faculty of Commerce.

Faculty of Engineering.

The Regions

Faculty of Islamic Theology and Da'wa in Assiut.

Faculty of Islamic Jurisprudence and Law in Assiut.

Faculty of Arabic Language in Assiut.

Faculty of Islamic Theology and Da'wa in Zagazig.

Faculty of Islamic Arabic Language in Zagazig.

Faculty of Islamic Theology and Da'wa in Tanta.

Faculty of Islamic Jurisprudence and Law in Tanta.

Faculty of Islamic Theology and Da'wa in

Mansoura.

Faculty of Arabic Language in Mansoura.

Faculty of Islamic Theology and Da'wa in

Menofiya.

Faculty of Arabic Language in Shebin El-Koum.

Faculty of Islamic Jurisprudence and Law in

Damanhour.

Faculty of Arabic Language in Damanhour (Itia ElBaroud).

Faculty of Medicine in Assiut.

Faculty of Dentistry in Assiut.

Faculty of Pharmacy in Assiut.

Faculty of Science in Assiut.

Faculty of Islamic Jurisprudence and Law in AlMenofiya.

Faculty of Arabic Language in Girga.

Faculty of Islamic and Arabic Studies in Qina.

Faculty of Islamic Studies for Boys in Aswan.

Faculty of Arabic Studies for Boys in Diemyiat.

Faculty of Agriculture in Assiut.

Faculty of Quranic Studies in Tanta.

Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies.

Faculty of Humanities.

Faculty of Medicine.

Faculty of Science.

Faculty of Commerce.

Regions

Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies in Assiut.

Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies in Suhag.

Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies in

Alexandria.

Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies in Mansoura.

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Taken from http://www.frcu.eun.eg/www/universities/html/azhar.html#faculties